"83 Most of those arrested were taken without warrants, and for some time no specific charges were lodged against them. To log in and use all the features of Khan Academy, please enable JavaScript in your browser. The call for a general strike was based upon the view, The May Day strike movement received little support from existing organizations. The press of the country, both labor and conservative, helped blindly to exaggerate the significance of the victory, little dreaming that within a year it would lead to troubles almost as great as, and more significant than, those of 1877. "74 That day 30,000 struck, including 10,000 lumbermen, 2,500 freight handlers, and 5,000 carpenters and woodworkers.75 Perhaps twice that number watched or took part in demonstrations.76 Freight handlers met and made a tour of the railroad freight depots, bringing out their fellows on all but two railroads. Within two weeks, close to 5000 shopmen struck on three Gould lines.
Far be it from me to say that I can point out the way. When a committee of the crowd presented the mill officials' explanation that the workers were paid by the ton not by the hour and asked if they were satisfied with it, the crowd yelled back "Eight Hours!"
1883 - 478 - 2,759 - 149,763 . . All the evidence goes to show that it was concerted, deliberately planned, and cooly executed murder. . If you're not sure if something is appropriate for the library, please ask in the feedback and content forum. . Click here for the guide. The police reformed ranks and fired into the crowd, killing one and wounding many. are wild with joy at the grand victory they have gained."78. That afternoon a crowd of several hundred strikers tried to force 1,400 men at the West Milwaukee Railway shops to quit.
Strikers and Knights of Labor, with sympathizers to the number of at least 400, were already there.
.51, Ameringer joined a woodworkers' union affiliated with the Knights of Labor.
. How strong was this mysterious Order of the Five Stars?
No assembly of the Knights of Labor must strike for the eight-hour system on May 1st under the impression that they are obeying orders from headquarters, for such an order was not, and will not, be given. "79 The press throughout the country did everything possible to stir up this feeling. Read about the Homestead Strike and the Pullman Strike, two of the most famous labor battles in American history. "63, In Pittsburgh, cabinetmakers struck for a twenty percent advance in wages and a reduction from ten to eight hours; the carpenters struck for nine hours and a ten percent increase; stonecutters quickly won nine hours.
During Stephens's regime the order was entirely secret; not even its name was known to outsiders. . "I will never advocate a strike," Powderly wrote, "unless it be a strike at the ballot-box, or such a one as was proclaimed to the world by the unmistakable sound of the strikers' guns on the field of Lexington. Still, guns are plentiful in your part of the country and most of you are pretty good shooters yourselves; besides, you will be battling for a principle and the welfare of 'Betty and the babies.' From Boston, for example, John Swinton's Paper reported, "Although there have been a great deal of agitation, discussion and argument in this city for the last seven months over the adoption of the eight-hour day"-indeed, 100 meetings on the question had been held by May 1st-"yet when the third of May arrived only four trades struck for the proposed change. . As an anonymous Chicagoan wrote at the time, "the newspapers have taken advantage of the trouble to lump the socialists, anarchists, and strikers all together, making no distinction between them, and the consequence is that the labor cause will have to suffer. The K. of L. was essentially an assembly of windbags, full of half-hearted revolutionary impulses and crude chicane, affording men, like Stephens and Powderly, who loved to hear themselves talk, an opportunity to orate and receive the applause of simple workmen, in whose capacity to help themselves as a class they had no intelligent faith. Notwithstanding Powderly's and his cronies' opposition to strikes as a means of gaining for labor a greater share of industrial profits, numerous walkouts, big and small, occurred the country over, commencing in 1880, when conditions began slowly to improve after the dire effects of the panic. Practice: The Gilded Age. men. Immediately after it, there began a veritable stampede of the loose laboring masses to join the K. of L. unions. The oppressed laboring masses finally discovered a champion which could curb the power of a man stronger even than the government itself. The characteristic response of the workers to the attempts to break the strike was the "killing" of engines. . . The impulse for the movement came from below, strong enough to overcome the objections of the timorous general officers, conscious of their inadequacy. Brownstone Cutters 1,600 The police grew more numerous and ill-mannered."85. A typical K. of L. strike in the early years of Powderly's regime was that of the telegraphers, in 1883. Although the mob of men with clubs marched directly before the eyes of the police at the south side station, who had been notified of their coming and of their purpose, not a policeman moved to keep them from attack. ▶ Get 'recent posts' refreshed more regularly Preparatory agitation for the strike built up to major proportions in March and came to a head in April. "21 This development was a response to the evident failure of political action and trade unionism in the face of the growing misery of the depression. Who are the militiamen? You know as well as I do that you cannot defeat a railroad company if the trains continue to run; therefore you will attempt to stop the trains. The boycott was by this time an effective weapon in the hands of labor to which even the K. of L. uplifters did not object very strenuously. make your demands to the corporation for the eight-hour day and no reduction of pay. Next morning they wrote in the local paper that, "After due investigation, and hearing both sides of the question, we found undeniable proof of a strike, and as man to man we could not justifiably go to work and take the bread out of our fellow-workmen's mouths, no matter how much we needed it ourselves. Cigarmakers and Packers 11,000 The walkout occurred on June 19 against all commercial telegraph companies, of which Jay Gould's Western Union, employing some 4000 operators, was the greatest. A correspondent for John Swinton's Paper reported jubilantly, "It is an eight-hour boom, and we are scoring victory after victory. As a Chicago socialist wrote to William Morris at the time, One week ago freedom of speech and of the press was a right unquestioned by the bitterest anti-Socialist. Some 30,000 had already been granted an eight-hour, or at least a shorter, day.
A good proportion of furniture workers won the eight-hour day with a twenty-five percent increase in hourly wages; 1,600 clothing cutters won ten hours' pay for eight hours' work. Another from Dallas, Texas, illustrated the widespread court action against strikers' tactics: Charles Wilson, charged with displacing a switch for the purpose of derailing an engine at Denton on March 27, was sentenced to five months' imprisonment in the county jail; C. Bishop, for taking possession of a switch at Forth Worth on April 2, was found guilty and remanded to await sentence; Richard Gordon, striking a switchman with a stone at night, three months' imprisonment in the county jail.35, In addition, the railroads relied upon armed force to break the strike.
From New Haven, Connecticut, the New York Times reported: "This town has picked up the reputation lately of having more strikes than any other city of its size in the country. Perhaps typical were the groups that developed in the obscure railroad town of Sedalia, Missouri, in 1884. The feeling of 'give no quarter' is illustrated in the refusal to submit grievances to arbitration when the employees felt that they had the upper hand over their employers."3. Jeremy Brecher's account of the growth of the Knights of Labor union in the US, the agitation for a maximum 8-hour working day and the Chicago Haymarket events of 1886. "81 "The bomb," John Swinton wrote, "was a godsend to the enemies of the labor movement. Khan Academy is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization. . 'Hang them first and try them afterwards,' was an expression which I heard repeatedly. . The Federal judges, under whom the roads are being operated, appeal to the President of the United States for assistance, and the regulars are sent to put down what has by this time become an armed revolution - rebellion, in fact. Donate or volunteer today! . Their paper, the Alarm, declared that "it is a lost battle, and. .
A Missouri Pacific locomotive left the Texas and Pacific roundhouse, and the strikers yelled "Here she comes." About the locomotive was a squad of officers.
. Nonetheless, historians have generally considered the mid-1880's a more revolutionary period, even though it was marked by less insurrectionary violence.
At the kick-off march, "only red flags were carried . The rights of the common, every-day laborer were to be considered by the new order,"14 Whereas the trade unions' attitude was, "we will not associate with the common, every-day laborers in any organization of labor. Shorter hours had long been a major objective for labor, both to decrease the burden of toil and to cut unemployment by spreading the work. Click here to register now.
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